POST DI BERTANI E SACCOCCIO
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Perché l’Italia non sarà mai la Grecia
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di Carlo Bertani
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Nonostante la cappa di silenzio mediatico che ha circondato e circonda la Grecia, molti si sono resi conto che la rivolta greca non è stata un “furore” di pochi esaltati e nemmeno una manfrina abilmente orchestrata dal Palazzo. E neppure una rivoluzione tentata o fallita.
I fatti avvenuti in Grecia sono stati una rivolta spontanea – attizzata sì dall’assassinio di un ragazzo – ma proposta all’attenzione della Grecia e del Pianeta poiché la situazione economico/politica del Paese sta diventando insostenibile.
Le ragioni sono oramai le stesse ovunque: l’incedere, pressing, the excessive power on financial income, the same hand of globalization that affects everywhere.
Greece is a country of modest size, and the population lives mostly concentrated in a few cities, such as the area of \u200b\u200bAthens / Piraeus is the lion's share. Here
broke the most obvious contradictions: 700 € to 500 against the rental income, and do not think we need to add more. The Greek revolt and then a burst of dignity, of those who no longer accepts to be blind and silent witness of the tragedy of a generation overwhelmed by globalization and the European and global financial bureaucracies.
Others have equated to each other rivolta delle banlieues parigine: stesse coreografie, identica ribellione con auto date alle fiamme e scontri con la polizia. C’è senz’altro del vero nell’accostare i due fenomeni; entrambi sono stati una rivolta prevalentemente giovanile, e la ragione di fondo le accomunava: percepire d’esser destinati al girone infernali degli eterni esclusi, senza speranza né futuro.
In qualche modo, queste rivolte sono il risveglio dal cotonato baluginare delle “Isole dei Famosi”, la battaglia contro le falsità che i mestieranti della politica destri/sinistri ammansiscono a piene mani.
Viene allora da chiedersi perché l’Italia non sia stata contagiata dal “virus” greco, oppure perché “L’Onda” abbia assunto ben altri toni e differenti prassi nella protesta.
In qualche modo, ci viene in aiuto l’analisi sulle vicende francesi; il “cuore” della rivolta erano le banlieues: periferie anonime, sconclusionate e frammentate come “Guernica” di Picasso, abitate in prevalenza da giovani maghrebini di seconda e terza generazione. La rivolta era una vicenda d’esclusi, di persone che non percepivano più i fendenti del sistema finanziario come sopportabili escoriazioni della pelle, bensì come dolorosi affondi nella carne. I quali, possono essere generati da elementi puramente economici – avere poco o nulla, essere costretti al furto per ottenere soltanto i succedanei del gran circo del consumo – oppure una teorizzazione che può avere molteplici radici e valenze: dalla veloce rilettura di un Islam “traghettato” su sponde politiche alla più comprensibile (per noi), normale vicenda di scontro di classe. Forse, meglio, una combinazione d’entrambe.
Anche le connotazioni “sul campo” – non ce la sentiamo di definirle “tattiche”, perché il termine include, sottendendola, la presenza di un’avanguardia organizzata – sono state differenti: battaglia a tutto campo e quasi senza esclusione di colpi nelle notti francesi (ad indicare un sovrappiù di tensione non più elaborabile, gestibile) e testimonianza anche violenta ma firm - to his face, a real challenge in the field with power, can not be mediated by other readings - in the streets of Athens.
Finally - if we believe it is approachable - the revolt of the Italian students, who tried to "show their muscles, while remaining anchored to specific requests to ask the political class, from which s'attendeva a response. Not surprisingly, the "Wave" has been suffered from the contradictions within it: the ghosts of the "right" and the "left" - but denied in words - have not been slow to materialize, and this without taking into account the childish provocations Piazza Navona.
In other words, the "Wave" waiting for an answer that neither the Greeks - and the less the excluded of the banlieues - expected: the first by proposing the unthinkable, that the mere fall of the government, the other showing no clear calls even if not the highlight a level of suffering now inexpressible by other means.
We are thus faced with two phenomena which - despite different "intensity" and with very different modes of expression - have placed themselves as open testimony and without risk of misunderstanding, we are here to say "no" to your savage "war Indian "against the younger generation, identified with the majority of all have-nots.
The Greek state is perhaps the closest to Italian, and then you wonder why the "generation of the 700 €" Italian did not use the same means of expression - we're not here talking of violence - that is why the younger generation Italian Consider again the political power of a trusted partner. Namely, "We will not pay for your crisis" to a more explicit "you pay for your crisis, and disappeared." Why
- for several reasons - the young Italians are still a little bit better, although they are a bit 'worse than their peers in many European countries.
First, the Differences in income in Italy show a marked heterogeneity, especially between North and South of the country. Then between towns and villages, and by social class.
The geographical heterogeneity is the most obvious and well known: the eternal debate on the Italian south, the "delay" unbridgeable.
Even in the North, however, the situation is quite varied: the rich north-east is less rich than before, and the North West - fell for many years - now seems to fall asleep in hopes of government assistance and improbable rebirth.
would be wrong, however, identify areas of the old traditional industrialization as the only producers of goods and services: l’Emilia Romagna è diventata una delle più ricche aree del Paese e così è anche per estese zone del versante adriatico, fino alla Puglia.
Aprendo una breve parentesi, dobbiamo ricordare che, a monte del declino industriale italiano, ci sono vent’anni di stasi nell’innovazione tecnologica, abilmente catalizzata da gruppi di potere che possiamo indicare genericamente nel binomio ENEL/ENI. La campagna “estetica” di Vittorio Sgarbi contro gli aerogeneratori è un vero e proprio rottame della storia, qualcosa che si riesce difficilmente a comprendere, se non si spiega il passo successivo: le centrali nucleari promesse da Berlusconi. Altro “rottame” storico: il quale, però, riporta energy production in a few hands.
This is a simple but rich in attributes phenomenon that deserves space here that we do not have, because to understand the reason for the refusal to play the Italian challenge of new energy technology is subject to its dismay that nonsense.
Rome and the major cities sustenance largely on public sector corruption and a thousand streams feed other pockets of wealth of dubious provenance.
If instead we analyze the distribution of wealth for generations, we find that "over 40" have yet - it is obviously a generalization - most stable and lucrative contracts. A considerable share of the wealth Finally the national pension checks, which, with time, have grown since last time. Today, he is retiring with more income than in previous decades.
This disparity of wealth and income insecurity among generations originated - in the family structure - a transfer from older generations to younger ones: the well-known phenomenon called - with little education and lots of arrogance - the "big babies" by Tommaso Padoa Schioppa. It would be how to define economic ministers "tumblers".
Often, they are now the income of the parents - who are still working or retired - to support (in various forms and means) the survival of their children and grandchildren. This phenomenon mainly Italian and diffusion, "joining" the generations with a noose biceps: the household saving decreases, and the simple "injection" for the survival not change one iota the fate of young people.
This phenomenon requires, however, that the part of young people receiving income less consistent, able to "cover up" the shortfall of income youth.
This is because the retirement income - for example - and even wiped out by the changeover from the run-up in prices, were generated by the pension provisions of years away, when factories were working and had not yet been well-known "bag" of the productive sector by the public of international finance. Britannia docet.
This applies to most of the Italian territory, including the Centre, while taking a lower incidence - for income from employment or retirement - in the southern areas, who have never had a production fabric, the maximum benefit of the income of the public sector.
We would therefore expect an explosive situation in the poorest regions, which are always the same: Campania, Calabria, Basilicata and Sicily, because the difference with other regions is evident, marked by all the statistics.
Why, then, there are no riots in Naples or Palermo?
Again, we rely on arguments that go briefly, since the specificity of some areas of the south are, and how. Just think about unscrupulous use of public funds that the region of Sicily has been operating for years: there are still "baby pensions for employees of local authorities, while in the rest of the country are missing for 15 years, and the equipment is inflated to public dramatically. Sicily has always been able to assert their electoral importance, in all political seasons.
Other areas, such as Puglia, have their strengths in agriculture, which allows a certain amount of income that can "plug" qualche buco. Altre zone, invece, hanno alte densità abitative e poche o nulle attività economiche. Qui, ci sarebbe da attendersi un tessuto sociale in perenne rivolta: invece, non avviene.
Il fattore calmierante di molte tensioni sociali è la criminalità organizzata, di seguito – per comodità – definita globalmente come “Mafie”.
La genesi delle Mafie è stata variegata, secondo i luoghi, ma possiamo (tralasciando le origini contadine) definire un percorso che parte dall’estorsione e dalle piccole attività criminali, quindi dal traffico di sigarette e poi di stupefacenti, passa per il traffico d’armi per terminare con il controllo degli appalti pubblici e la collusione (reciprocamente interessata) con la classe politica. Infine, la fase della globalizzazione, vissuta come partecipazione al gran banchetto della finanza internazionale.
In questo percorso, il controllo del territorio è stato essenziale: dapprima per le estorsioni, quindi per le strutture necessarie al traffico internazionale – sigarette, droga, armi, ecc – quindi per i mille addentellati (pensiamo all’edilizia, ai rifiuti, ecc) che permettono la gestione criminale degli appalti. La fase di massima espansione, ossia la finanza internazionale, potrebbe forse fare a meno del tradizionale controllo del territorio, ma le attività finanziarie delle Mafie rimangono legate ai flussi di denaro che essa trae dalle aree che controlla, or to the need that certain quotas, lucrative black market demand. Consider, for example, to refineries for the safekeeping of weapons or drugs.
Another aspect - it's hard, now, to limit the scope of "interest" of the Mafia - what we believe is the common economic management of productive activities, which are - of course - "interpreted" by the mafia as "territories" in which the laws State does not exist. We will then
a panoply of economic activities quite varied: from simple management "black" in common activities (construction, for example), to companies that have all the trappings of "normal" - such as tax - because their utility is not holding itself, but in what lies maybe in a back room in a basement or well hidden. In short, a Harlequin types of tissue, according to the different needs and stages of the mafia.
Obviously, the population is involved in the activities of mafia and it is a losing battle by the State, since the business of the mafia can not stand some of the tax burden - tax, social security, etc. - I must point out that the common enterprise.
But this brings up the gangs as dispensers of welfare: if the data on unemployment, in some Italian regions, were the official ones, the population would be hungry.
Instead, it is not, at least, not in terms of numbers and the official statistics.
cities like Naples or Palermo, without the "contribution" economic mafias, that rapidly became unmanageable for the State of the lands that the dampening factor of the Mafia - and then - benefits.
What interest would the state to defeat the gangs - even without considering the mutual enrichment of the bosses and their political - if after you were shifting the burden of providing for the people?
would not even be possible to deal as needed with new business, since the Italian business is fragile, leading to more financial income (position, institutional or international) that the company's risk, betting on new products and services. An articulated
close examination on the mafias would require more space than a simple article, and there are writers who do far better by myself: what we want to emphasize, is that the mafia only explain the "terrifying peace" of some Italian regions , as well as other income of young people is supported by the older generations, who still enjoy the fruits matured in years of being away now statement. Two factors that inhibit and weakened any revolt. How to break this circle
steel?
No one today is able to do so: who supports it, only tells lies. The mafia are not afraid of honest journalists and some brave judges: just kill them.
We realize that this ruling may seem ungenerous to those who s'oppongono (subjectively) to the power of the mafia - and we respect and admire their courage - but must agree that the power of the Mafia is so extensive, powerful and pervasive that nothing escapes them. Escapes only what is considered insignificant, or that which is tolerated because it limits their power and unable even to give the impression that there is really something that can counter the power of the boss.
If anyone still has doubts, reflected on the last season to combat the mafia, which ended with the murders of Falcone and Borsellino. The next step - launched the attack in Florence because of Georgofili - would put the state in front of an extremely bitter dilemma: accept the challenge and risk that the main cultural, artistic (and tourism) in the country disappeared in a cloud of explosives.
The support offered by the fathers to the children, will last for many years, acts as another factor in favor: the low birth rate, which eventually leads to centralize wealth in few hands (especially real estate) that were once divided between several actors. It is not uncommon today to find that the heirs are only two of eight great-grandchildren, and this is a matter of concentration of wealth, which tends to moderation by the situation. Two
bombastic rhetoric, always supported by the regime media, so they are a real "prop" for the state corrupt and cowardly: "solidarity" of Italian households - which leads inevitably to a general impoverishment and the maintenance of social vulnerability - and combating the mafias which, for the support they "offer" instead to social stability, should not exist if essere inventate.
Nulla d’eclatante: solo una meditazione per iniziare meglio, con maggior consapevolezza, il 2009.
Carlo Bertani
I fatti avvenuti in Grecia sono stati una rivolta spontanea – attizzata sì dall’assassinio di un ragazzo – ma proposta all’attenzione della Grecia e del Pianeta poiché la situazione economico/politica del Paese sta diventando insostenibile.
Le ragioni sono oramai le stesse ovunque: l’incedere, pressing, the excessive power on financial income, the same hand of globalization that affects everywhere.
Greece is a country of modest size, and the population lives mostly concentrated in a few cities, such as the area of \u200b\u200bAthens / Piraeus is the lion's share. Here
broke the most obvious contradictions: 700 € to 500 against the rental income, and do not think we need to add more. The Greek revolt and then a burst of dignity, of those who no longer accepts to be blind and silent witness of the tragedy of a generation overwhelmed by globalization and the European and global financial bureaucracies.
Others have equated to each other rivolta delle banlieues parigine: stesse coreografie, identica ribellione con auto date alle fiamme e scontri con la polizia. C’è senz’altro del vero nell’accostare i due fenomeni; entrambi sono stati una rivolta prevalentemente giovanile, e la ragione di fondo le accomunava: percepire d’esser destinati al girone infernali degli eterni esclusi, senza speranza né futuro.
In qualche modo, queste rivolte sono il risveglio dal cotonato baluginare delle “Isole dei Famosi”, la battaglia contro le falsità che i mestieranti della politica destri/sinistri ammansiscono a piene mani.
Viene allora da chiedersi perché l’Italia non sia stata contagiata dal “virus” greco, oppure perché “L’Onda” abbia assunto ben altri toni e differenti prassi nella protesta.
In qualche modo, ci viene in aiuto l’analisi sulle vicende francesi; il “cuore” della rivolta erano le banlieues: periferie anonime, sconclusionate e frammentate come “Guernica” di Picasso, abitate in prevalenza da giovani maghrebini di seconda e terza generazione. La rivolta era una vicenda d’esclusi, di persone che non percepivano più i fendenti del sistema finanziario come sopportabili escoriazioni della pelle, bensì come dolorosi affondi nella carne. I quali, possono essere generati da elementi puramente economici – avere poco o nulla, essere costretti al furto per ottenere soltanto i succedanei del gran circo del consumo – oppure una teorizzazione che può avere molteplici radici e valenze: dalla veloce rilettura di un Islam “traghettato” su sponde politiche alla più comprensibile (per noi), normale vicenda di scontro di classe. Forse, meglio, una combinazione d’entrambe.
Anche le connotazioni “sul campo” – non ce la sentiamo di definirle “tattiche”, perché il termine include, sottendendola, la presenza di un’avanguardia organizzata – sono state differenti: battaglia a tutto campo e quasi senza esclusione di colpi nelle notti francesi (ad indicare un sovrappiù di tensione non più elaborabile, gestibile) e testimonianza anche violenta ma firm - to his face, a real challenge in the field with power, can not be mediated by other readings - in the streets of Athens.
Finally - if we believe it is approachable - the revolt of the Italian students, who tried to "show their muscles, while remaining anchored to specific requests to ask the political class, from which s'attendeva a response. Not surprisingly, the "Wave" has been suffered from the contradictions within it: the ghosts of the "right" and the "left" - but denied in words - have not been slow to materialize, and this without taking into account the childish provocations Piazza Navona.
In other words, the "Wave" waiting for an answer that neither the Greeks - and the less the excluded of the banlieues - expected: the first by proposing the unthinkable, that the mere fall of the government, the other showing no clear calls even if not the highlight a level of suffering now inexpressible by other means.
We are thus faced with two phenomena which - despite different "intensity" and with very different modes of expression - have placed themselves as open testimony and without risk of misunderstanding, we are here to say "no" to your savage "war Indian "against the younger generation, identified with the majority of all have-nots.
The Greek state is perhaps the closest to Italian, and then you wonder why the "generation of the 700 €" Italian did not use the same means of expression - we're not here talking of violence - that is why the younger generation Italian Consider again the political power of a trusted partner. Namely, "We will not pay for your crisis" to a more explicit "you pay for your crisis, and disappeared." Why
- for several reasons - the young Italians are still a little bit better, although they are a bit 'worse than their peers in many European countries.
First, the Differences in income in Italy show a marked heterogeneity, especially between North and South of the country. Then between towns and villages, and by social class.
The geographical heterogeneity is the most obvious and well known: the eternal debate on the Italian south, the "delay" unbridgeable.
Even in the North, however, the situation is quite varied: the rich north-east is less rich than before, and the North West - fell for many years - now seems to fall asleep in hopes of government assistance and improbable rebirth.
would be wrong, however, identify areas of the old traditional industrialization as the only producers of goods and services: l’Emilia Romagna è diventata una delle più ricche aree del Paese e così è anche per estese zone del versante adriatico, fino alla Puglia.
Aprendo una breve parentesi, dobbiamo ricordare che, a monte del declino industriale italiano, ci sono vent’anni di stasi nell’innovazione tecnologica, abilmente catalizzata da gruppi di potere che possiamo indicare genericamente nel binomio ENEL/ENI. La campagna “estetica” di Vittorio Sgarbi contro gli aerogeneratori è un vero e proprio rottame della storia, qualcosa che si riesce difficilmente a comprendere, se non si spiega il passo successivo: le centrali nucleari promesse da Berlusconi. Altro “rottame” storico: il quale, però, riporta energy production in a few hands.
This is a simple but rich in attributes phenomenon that deserves space here that we do not have, because to understand the reason for the refusal to play the Italian challenge of new energy technology is subject to its dismay that nonsense.
Rome and the major cities sustenance largely on public sector corruption and a thousand streams feed other pockets of wealth of dubious provenance.
If instead we analyze the distribution of wealth for generations, we find that "over 40" have yet - it is obviously a generalization - most stable and lucrative contracts. A considerable share of the wealth Finally the national pension checks, which, with time, have grown since last time. Today, he is retiring with more income than in previous decades.
This disparity of wealth and income insecurity among generations originated - in the family structure - a transfer from older generations to younger ones: the well-known phenomenon called - with little education and lots of arrogance - the "big babies" by Tommaso Padoa Schioppa. It would be how to define economic ministers "tumblers".
Often, they are now the income of the parents - who are still working or retired - to support (in various forms and means) the survival of their children and grandchildren. This phenomenon mainly Italian and diffusion, "joining" the generations with a noose biceps: the household saving decreases, and the simple "injection" for the survival not change one iota the fate of young people.
This phenomenon requires, however, that the part of young people receiving income less consistent, able to "cover up" the shortfall of income youth.
This is because the retirement income - for example - and even wiped out by the changeover from the run-up in prices, were generated by the pension provisions of years away, when factories were working and had not yet been well-known "bag" of the productive sector by the public of international finance. Britannia docet.
This applies to most of the Italian territory, including the Centre, while taking a lower incidence - for income from employment or retirement - in the southern areas, who have never had a production fabric, the maximum benefit of the income of the public sector.
We would therefore expect an explosive situation in the poorest regions, which are always the same: Campania, Calabria, Basilicata and Sicily, because the difference with other regions is evident, marked by all the statistics.
Why, then, there are no riots in Naples or Palermo?
Again, we rely on arguments that go briefly, since the specificity of some areas of the south are, and how. Just think about unscrupulous use of public funds that the region of Sicily has been operating for years: there are still "baby pensions for employees of local authorities, while in the rest of the country are missing for 15 years, and the equipment is inflated to public dramatically. Sicily has always been able to assert their electoral importance, in all political seasons.
Other areas, such as Puglia, have their strengths in agriculture, which allows a certain amount of income that can "plug" qualche buco. Altre zone, invece, hanno alte densità abitative e poche o nulle attività economiche. Qui, ci sarebbe da attendersi un tessuto sociale in perenne rivolta: invece, non avviene.
Il fattore calmierante di molte tensioni sociali è la criminalità organizzata, di seguito – per comodità – definita globalmente come “Mafie”.
La genesi delle Mafie è stata variegata, secondo i luoghi, ma possiamo (tralasciando le origini contadine) definire un percorso che parte dall’estorsione e dalle piccole attività criminali, quindi dal traffico di sigarette e poi di stupefacenti, passa per il traffico d’armi per terminare con il controllo degli appalti pubblici e la collusione (reciprocamente interessata) con la classe politica. Infine, la fase della globalizzazione, vissuta come partecipazione al gran banchetto della finanza internazionale.
In questo percorso, il controllo del territorio è stato essenziale: dapprima per le estorsioni, quindi per le strutture necessarie al traffico internazionale – sigarette, droga, armi, ecc – quindi per i mille addentellati (pensiamo all’edilizia, ai rifiuti, ecc) che permettono la gestione criminale degli appalti. La fase di massima espansione, ossia la finanza internazionale, potrebbe forse fare a meno del tradizionale controllo del territorio, ma le attività finanziarie delle Mafie rimangono legate ai flussi di denaro che essa trae dalle aree che controlla, or to the need that certain quotas, lucrative black market demand. Consider, for example, to refineries for the safekeeping of weapons or drugs.
Another aspect - it's hard, now, to limit the scope of "interest" of the Mafia - what we believe is the common economic management of productive activities, which are - of course - "interpreted" by the mafia as "territories" in which the laws State does not exist. We will then
a panoply of economic activities quite varied: from simple management "black" in common activities (construction, for example), to companies that have all the trappings of "normal" - such as tax - because their utility is not holding itself, but in what lies maybe in a back room in a basement or well hidden. In short, a Harlequin types of tissue, according to the different needs and stages of the mafia.
Obviously, the population is involved in the activities of mafia and it is a losing battle by the State, since the business of the mafia can not stand some of the tax burden - tax, social security, etc. - I must point out that the common enterprise.
But this brings up the gangs as dispensers of welfare: if the data on unemployment, in some Italian regions, were the official ones, the population would be hungry.
Instead, it is not, at least, not in terms of numbers and the official statistics.
cities like Naples or Palermo, without the "contribution" economic mafias, that rapidly became unmanageable for the State of the lands that the dampening factor of the Mafia - and then - benefits.
What interest would the state to defeat the gangs - even without considering the mutual enrichment of the bosses and their political - if after you were shifting the burden of providing for the people?
would not even be possible to deal as needed with new business, since the Italian business is fragile, leading to more financial income (position, institutional or international) that the company's risk, betting on new products and services. An articulated
close examination on the mafias would require more space than a simple article, and there are writers who do far better by myself: what we want to emphasize, is that the mafia only explain the "terrifying peace" of some Italian regions , as well as other income of young people is supported by the older generations, who still enjoy the fruits matured in years of being away now statement. Two factors that inhibit and weakened any revolt. How to break this circle
steel?
No one today is able to do so: who supports it, only tells lies. The mafia are not afraid of honest journalists and some brave judges: just kill them.
We realize that this ruling may seem ungenerous to those who s'oppongono (subjectively) to the power of the mafia - and we respect and admire their courage - but must agree that the power of the Mafia is so extensive, powerful and pervasive that nothing escapes them. Escapes only what is considered insignificant, or that which is tolerated because it limits their power and unable even to give the impression that there is really something that can counter the power of the boss.
If anyone still has doubts, reflected on the last season to combat the mafia, which ended with the murders of Falcone and Borsellino. The next step - launched the attack in Florence because of Georgofili - would put the state in front of an extremely bitter dilemma: accept the challenge and risk that the main cultural, artistic (and tourism) in the country disappeared in a cloud of explosives.
The support offered by the fathers to the children, will last for many years, acts as another factor in favor: the low birth rate, which eventually leads to centralize wealth in few hands (especially real estate) that were once divided between several actors. It is not uncommon today to find that the heirs are only two of eight great-grandchildren, and this is a matter of concentration of wealth, which tends to moderation by the situation. Two
bombastic rhetoric, always supported by the regime media, so they are a real "prop" for the state corrupt and cowardly: "solidarity" of Italian households - which leads inevitably to a general impoverishment and the maintenance of social vulnerability - and combating the mafias which, for the support they "offer" instead to social stability, should not exist if essere inventate.
Nulla d’eclatante: solo una meditazione per iniziare meglio, con maggior consapevolezza, il 2009.
Carlo Bertani
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